Rihanna’s Miter at the Met, and Other Distractions

Singer Rihanna at the Metropolitan Museum of Art Costume Institute Gala in Manhattan, May 7, 2018. (Carlo Allegri/Reuters)

Let’s say a prayer for grace on the red carpet and elsewhere.

Commentary pages recently have been debating a gala and exhibit at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York that opened with a star-studded event featuring the singer Rihanna revealingly dressed as a kind of pope. The culture watchers engaged in some back-and-forth about whether or not the miter she wore belonged to Cardinal Dolan. An office at the Vatican had lent some items for the exhibit (not the red carpet), and the archbishop of New York took it as an occasion to speak to an audience that might not typically have warm feelings toward the Catholic Church.

George Clooney and Jimmy Fallon made comments to the press about their altar-boy days. Thanks be to God for the real-life warm memories from people with access to megaphones far louder than anything in the church basement or choir loft. Maybe a word or a handshake or a conversation or the mere sighting of a cleric who seems to care, who seems to have joy, will be an invitation back to the sacraments that are at the heart of the Church.

I met a pope once, and that day he had the most beautiful miter, which wouldn’t have cut it at the Met gala. Pope Benedict was wearing an icon of Christ as Teacher and the far-from-glitzy vestments of the green season of ordinary time in the liturgical year. He looked at me with something like the eyes of God the Father, I thought at the time, teaching me something about how we should look at one another. God can use us as instruments, when we have love for Him and humility and truly pray and ask Him to let us not be obstacles but full participants in His work. He seemed full of thanksgiving as I thanked Him for helping us know Jesus of Nazareth (he had just had his last installment of a series by that name published in English).

We went on to talk briefly about New York and Cardinal Dolan, whom he had sent to what we New Yorkers (in, yes, our pride) probably (not probably) think of as the seat of the Church in America. And he clearly had a fatherly love for — overflowed with thanksgiving for — the faith we share. Little did I know what would happen only a few months later, when he shocked the world by stepping aside as pontiff, and all that would come, which still unfolds.

That it still unfolds is an important part of the story that commentary can never quite capture. As we come down on sides and are convinced of sacrilege and outraged or delighted at what looks a lot like blasphemy (say, the Blessed Mother many times arranged on a revealing Versace dress), there’s also the possibility of power at work beyond what we know.

Christians believe in grace. I hear non-Christians — the “spiritual but not religious” “nones” — who seem to believe or want to believe in something like it. They’re “seeking,” and I happen to believe they’re being sought by the Divine in every sunrise and sunset and many an interaction. And whether it was George Clooney or Jimmy Fallon, or perhaps more likely the cameramen and the waitstaff at the gala, who got something enriching or inspiring or even miraculous from celebrities making a scene (some of whom were quite respectful and beautiful, though they aren’t as entertaining to talk about as the provocateurs are, as tends to be the rule of buzz), let it be more evidence that convinces someone somewhere that God works with everything.

One wouldn’t have to be especially cynical to wonder whether the chaplain controversy had something to do with Democrats attempting to reclaim some ground lost when Cardinal Dolan wrote an op-ed expressing disappointment in Democrats for abandoning Catholics on the abortion issue.

I marveled that same week and also the previous week about some of the news cycles that come and go and could give you whiplash. We saw a whole preposterous controversy about the House of Representatives chaplain, who was originally brought in by a Catholic Republican and recently asked to leave by another. The brouhaha somehow wound up exploding into Democrats accusing the GOP of anti-Catholicism. A comment in a private conversation that may or may not have been taken out of context and the stray remark of a House member didn’t help. But the absurdity of Paul Ryan’s appearing to be in the “no Catholics need apply” business (or even “no Jesuits need apply” mode) probably did more to set off alarm bells about Catholics behaving badly than any over-the-top couture at the Met.

One wouldn’t have to be especially cynical to wonder whether the chaplain controversy had something to do with Democrats attempting to reclaim some ground lost when Cardinal Dolan wrote an op-ed in March expressing disappointment in Democrats. They have abandoned Catholics, he said, on the most fundamental human-rights and conscience issue of abortion. The result: “The party that once embraced Catholics now slams the door on us.”

The things we tend to talk the most about are probably distractions. And distractions may just rule the day, from the presidency to many an iPhone. It might take a miracle to see beauty, but some of us believe in miracles. And we do better to pray for them than get wrapped up in the latest frenzy, no matter how glamourous, mundane, or profane. We’re not here for long, and the moments of grace are the ones with the power to transform, on or off the red carpet.

This column is based on one available through Andrews McMeel Universal’s Newspaper Enterprise Association.

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Fashion highlights from the Metropolitan Museum of Art Costume Institute Gala.

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This yearu2019s program is entitled u201cHeavenly Bodies: Fashion and the Catholic Imagination.u201d Hereu2019s a look at fashion highlights from this yearu2019s arrivals. Pictured, singer Katy Perry spreads her wings.","credit":"Brendan McDermid/Reuters","images":{"large":"https://i0.wp.com/www.nationalreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/met-gala-katy-perry-lede.jpg?fit=987%2C576&ssl=1","thumbnail":"https://i0.wp.com/www.nationalreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/met-gala-katy-perry-lede.jpg?resize=160%2C90&ssl=1"}},{"id":591921,"title":"met-gala-2018-11","caption":"Singer Rita Ora gets a helping hand with her gown as she arrives at the Metropolitan Museum of Art Costume Institute Gala in Manhattan, May 7, 2018. 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","credit":"Eduardo Munoz/Reuters","images":{"large":"https://i1.wp.com/www.nationalreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/met-gala-2018-114.jpg?fit=987%2C576&ssl=1","thumbnail":"https://i1.wp.com/www.nationalreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/met-gala-2018-114.jpg?resize=160%2C90&ssl=1"}},{"id":591970,"title":"met-gala-2018-104","caption":"Actress Amber Heard arrives at the Metropolitan Museum of Art Costume Institute Gala in Manhattan, May 7, 2018. ","credit":"Eduardo Munoz/Reuters","images":{"large":"https://i1.wp.com/www.nationalreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/met-gala-2018-104.jpg?fit=987%2C576&ssl=1","thumbnail":"https://i1.wp.com/www.nationalreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/met-gala-2018-104.jpg?resize=160%2C90&ssl=1"}},{"id":591989,"title":"met-gala-2018-149","caption":"Actress Blake Lively arrives at the Metropolitan Museum of Art Costume Institute Gala in Manhattan, May 7, 2018. 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","credit":"Eduardo Munoz/Reuters","images":{"large":"https://i2.wp.com/www.nationalreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/met-gala-2018-154.jpg?fit=987%2C576&ssl=1","thumbnail":"https://i2.wp.com/www.nationalreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/met-gala-2018-154.jpg?resize=160%2C90&ssl=1"}},{"id":591992,"title":"met-gala-2018-155","caption":"Model Cara Delevingne arrives at the Metropolitan Museum of Art Costume Institute Gala in Manhattan, May 7, 2018. ","credit":"Eduardo Munoz/Reuters","images":{"large":"https://i2.wp.com/www.nationalreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/met-gala-2018-155.jpg?fit=987%2C576&ssl=1","thumbnail":"https://i2.wp.com/www.nationalreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/met-gala-2018-155.jpg?resize=160%2C90&ssl=1"}},{"id":591974,"title":"met-gala-2018-115","caption":"Actress Frances McDormand arrives at the Metropolitan Museum of Art Costume Institute Gala in Manhattan, May 7, 2018. ","credit":"Eduardo Munoz/Reuters","images":{"large":"https://i1.wp.com/www.nationalreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/met-gala-2018-115.jpg?fit=987%2C576&ssl=1","thumbnail":"https://i1.wp.com/www.nationalreview.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/met-gala-2018-115.jpg?resize=160%2C90&ssl=1"}},{"id":591977,"title":"met-gala-2018-121","caption":"Paris Jackson arrives at the Metropolitan Museum of Art Costume Institute Gala in Manhattan, May 7, 2018. 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u2018Jen is a constant reminder to me that God has dreams for all of us that go so far beyond what we can imagine and most certainly take our lives in a direction that we never planned, but following him would be never boring,u201d is how a fellow admiring mom describes Jennifer Fulwiler in the foreward to Fulwileru2019s new book One Beautiful Dream: The Rollicking Tale of Family Chaos, Personal Passions, and Saying Yes to Them Both. u201cSheu2019s a picture of what God can do with a woman who will say yes even when it looks messy, even when it looks hard, and even when itu2019s so different from the picture you had in your head.u201d

The radio talk-show host (who you will enjoy following on Twitter) talks about life, motherhood, faith, and the book.

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Kathryn Jean Lopez: Is there just one u201cbeautiful dreamu201d?

Jennifer Fulwiler: Absolutely not. In fact, that’s why I wrote a memoir instead of a how-to book. I can’t tell you what your “one beautiful dream” is; but I hope that by sharing mine you might be inspired.

nLopez: How do you know what to say yes to? Especially when weu2019re talking yes to God on big things and small.

Fulwiler: One key to discerning these things is to make these decisions with your family (or whoever your main support system is) — to value your personal passions, but to see them as just one part of something bigger that you and your family will create together. The other key is to make these decisions without fear, shame, or comparison. Too often we put limits on ourselves that really don’t need to be there. It’s important to ask these big questions with full permission to follow whatever path is right for you.

nLopez: To what extent is your book about motherhood in America circa 2018?

Fulwiler: That’s the key thing it explores. Motherhood today is so different from what it was even 15 years ago, let alone 50 years ago. When we ask questions about balance and “having it all,” too often we’re stuck in old paradigms that were more applicable in the 1980s than they are today. With the proliferation of opportunities for creativity and work that the Internet age has brought, it’s time to have a fresh discussion about motherhood and fulfillment.

nLopez: What do you hear most often from other mothers? Does our politics and culture ever seem to u201cgetu201d what youu2019re hearing — and living?

Fulwiler: I’m hearing from so many women that they struggle with guilt and shame. They want to follow their own dreams, but they feel guilty doing so. They think they have to follow a million rules in order to be perfect parents. They love their families, but often don’t look forward to getting out of bed the next day. I don’t think there is currently a conversation in our culture that really addresses what the average mother is lying awake at night stressing out about.

nLopez: Why is humor so important to you as a writer and a mother?

Fulwiler: Humor breaks down barriers. It reminds you not to take yourself too seriously, and therefore fosters connection with others.

nLopez: You previously wrote a book on your journey from atheism to Catholicism. What kind of feedback strikes you the most from that book? Anything that would be helpful to the atheist who might be wondering if there is more to consider or for Christians who might want to do a better job not just being evangelists but friends?

Fulwiler: Honestly, I’m surprised by how many people enjoyed Something Other than God. My journey from atheism to faith was a very intellectual one. Basically, I read a lot of books and thought about a lot of deep questions. As I was writing it, I kept thinking, “Does anyone want to read a book that’s basically about a woman reading books in her house and thinking about them?” But so many people have said that they can connect with someone who has more of a cerebral, skeptical approach to faith.

In terms of being evangelists, I think it all comes down to one word: love. Love your life, love God, and love others, and you will be an effective evangelist.

nLopez: How does a self-described introvert actually handle having a radio show, manage a household, and do a book tour?

Fulwiler: I have lots and lots of help. One of the biggest lessons I share in One Beautiful Dream is that we’re not meant to do this alone — “this” meaning almost anything in life, whether it’s raising kids or pursuing a goal. My husband and I spent years working on building a great support system for our family, and it is what makes all of this possible.

nLopez: Going from u201ccareerist atheist who never wanted a familyu201d to u201chaving six babiesu00a0in eight yearsu201d is a pretty significant part of your story. Is there something about big families that youu2019d suggest people consider? Or, at least, openness to life? Some people worry pro-lifers want everyone to have six babiesu00a0in eight yearsu00a0and thatu2019s both terrifying and not financially — or medically — possible in some peopleu2019s cases. What is it about your dreams and realities and Godu2019s will that you hope to convey with this book?

Fulwiler: I definitely don’t think that there is one right family size. I’m an only child married to another only child, so I’ve seen wonderful families of all sizes. The message I hope people take away from this book is that it’s good to be “open to life” — and by that I mean being flexible and welcoming of others. For us, that’s our children and various friends and neighbors. For someone else, being open to life might look completely different. The important thing is not to let pride or fear or perfectionism block you from forming intimate connections with others.

nLopez: Whatu2019s your favorite part of Motheru2019s Day?

Fulwiler: Both of our mothers do so much for our family, and it is wonderful to have a chance to thank them in a tangible way.

nLopez: What do you say to women who are not mothers — or have lost children to miscarriage or abortion or death — and find themselves hurting on Mother’s Day?

Fulwiler: I will pray for you. I’m afraid that any attempts at words of wisdom would sound platitudinous, so I would simply say that I do regularly pray for women in these situations, as well as for all people who have a desire that has not been fulfilled in their lives.

nLopez: Whatu2019s the hardest part of speaking about some of the most intimate realities of life?

Fulwiler: These are hot-button topics, and people can sometimes get very angry when discussing them. The criticism often gets personal, and that’s never fun.

nLopez: What is it that you have come to most appreciate about women and the Catholic Church once you became Catholic?

Fulwiler: Being Catholic led me to experience an inner freedom as a woman that I never had before. I used to have all sorts of insecurities and struggles that related to my role in the world, particularly as a woman, and reading the rich Catholic thinking on the dignity of women brought me tremendous healing in that department.

nLopez: What’s your key advice to moms who feel overwhelmed right now?

Fulwiler: Carve out time for a conversation with your spouse, and get really honest about what you need. And don’t feel guilty about it! You’re not selfish for wanting some time for yourself to pursue your own dreams or just binge watch a dumb show. Your desire to recharge your own batteries is actually a sign of your commitment to your family — and when you take that time you need to fill yourself up, you’ll find that you have even more love and energy to give back to those you love.

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nLopez: Are you surprised by any of the feedback this book seems to be prompting?

Fulwiler: I’ve been surprised by what a great response I’ve gotten from single women. So many of them are telling me that they feared setting their passions aside if they end up getting married. It’s encouraging to see this message of dreaming big and dreaming fearlessly resonating with folks whose stories are different from mine.

nn","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Jennifer Fulwiler on becoming what you are.

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Editoru2019s Note: NRO contributor George Weigel delivered the following commencement address at Ave Maria School of Law in Naples, Fla., on May 12.

Today is a day for celebration. Itu2019s also a day for reflection, as one moment in our graduatesu2019 lives ends and a new chapter begins. So permit me to reflect briefly with you on the meaning of law, on law and the renewal of American democracy, and on the practice of law as a vocation.

Last month, our nation marked the fiftieth anniversary of the death of the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Like other martyrs over the centuries, Dr. King was not a perfect man; but he died a martyr in the cause of justice and reconciliation, and in defense of the noble ideas that are the moral bedrock of our country. Dr. King is best remembered today for his stirring speech at the Lincoln Memorial on August 28, 1963. There, he bore witness to his u201cdreamu201d that, one day, his children would be judged by the content of their character and not by the color of their skin. That speech, like Lincolnu2019s Second Inaugural Address u2014 another stirring, biblically inspired oration delivered by another imperfect man who was a martyr for the causes of justice and reconciliation u2014 is now part of Americau2019s cultural patrimony. Yet Dr. King made an equally important contribution to our national heritage in a letter he wrote to fellow clergyman from a jail cell in Birmingham, Ala., four months before he spoke at the Lincoln Memorial.

Dr. King and his colleagues in the Southern Christian Leadership Conference had been criticized by some local Alabama clergy for the program of non-violent demonstrations they were leading, protesting segregation statutes in Birmingham u2014 at that time, quite probably the most segregated city in the United States. His critics were particularly concerned about the willingness of civil-rights demonstrators to break local laws intended to enforce segregation and to muffle or prevent protests against it. Kingu2019s response u2014 the response of a Baptist minister u2014 was thoroughly Catholic and bears repeating today:

One may well ask, u201cHow can you advocate breaking some laws and obeying others?u201d The answer lies in the fact that there are two types of laws: just and unjust. I would be the first to advocate obeying just laws. One has not only a legal but a moral responsibility to obey just laws. Conversely, one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws. I would agree with St. Augustine that u201can unjust law is no law at all.u201d
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Now, what is the difference between the two? How does one determine whether a law is just or unjust? A just law is a man-made code that squares with the moral law or law of God. An unjust law is a code that is out of harmony with the moral law. To put it in the terms of St. Thomas Aquinas: An unjust law is a human law that is not rooted in eternal law and natural law.

Eighty years before Dr. King wrote his Letter from Birmingham Jail, Pope Leo XIII made precisely the same argument in several encyclicals with which he laid the intellectual foundations of modern Catholic social doctrine. Pope Leo, like Dr. King, took his concept of law from Thomas Aquinas. In doing so, he challenged the legal positivism of his day u2014 and ours u2014 according to which u201clawu201d is simply whatever the law says it is, period. Leo XIII and Dr. King, drawing on the insights of St. Thomas, understood that this legal positivism empties law of moral content, detaches it from reason, and treats law as merely an expression of human willfulness.

Leo XIII offered the world a nobler concept of law. A true law, he proposed, has three characteristics: A true law is a rule mandated by reason; a true law is enacted by a properly constituted authority; and a true law serves the common good of society. The modern political tradition that begins with Thomas Hobbes thinks of law as sheer coercion. Leo XIII, with Thomas Aquinas, disagreed. To their minds, true law is authoritative prescription, grounded in reason. True law reflects moral judgment, and its power comes from its moral persuasiveness. Law, rightly understood, appeals to conscience u2014 to that often-fragile but nonetheless real human instinct for the good and the true u2014 not just to fear.

What does this have to do with our American situation today? Everything.

If weu2019re disturbed, as we should be, by the condition of American politics today, we should look beneath the headlines, the sound bites, and the Twitter feeds and ponder the state of our public moral culture.

In the 21st-century United States, the law is too often understood as a codification of willfulness rather than a precept of reason, as freedom is too often understood to be a matter of unbridled choice u2014 or as the famous moral philosopher Frank Sinatra would put it, freedom is u201cI did it my way.u201d This false concept of freedom and the false concept of law that goes with it are at the root of our Supreme Courtu2019s mistaken decisions on abortion and marriage in Roe v. Wade, Planned Parenthood v. Casey, United States v. Windsor, and Obergefell v. Hodges. And beneath those false ideas of freedom and law lies another error that is putting our democracy in jeopardy: the idea that there is only your truth and my truth, but nothing properly describable as the truth. What happens, though, if u201cyour truthu201d and u201cmy truthu201d collide and there is no standard of judgment u2014 call it u201cthe truthu201d u2014 by which we can settle our differences? What happens is that you impose your power on me, or I impose my power on you u2014 sometimes through cultural bullying and shaming, but more often these days through the distortion of the law.

That imposition u2014 that power play u2014 is what Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger called, in April 2005, the u201cdictatorship of relativism.u201d It is alive and well throughout the Western world today, eating away at the moral and cultural foundations of democracy. It is one cause of the current turmoil in the European Union. It is eroding religious freedom and freedom of conscience in Canada. And it is a primary cause of the turbulence in 21st-century American public life.

If weu2019re disturbed, as we should be, by the condition of American politics today, we should look beneath the headlines, the sound bites, and the Twitter feeds and ponder the state of our public moral culture. We are where we are not by accident but because the ideas of freedom and law that shape our public life have become severely distorted. The moral and cultural foundations of our republic need not just shoring up but deep and fundamental renewal. That is a task for generations, but it must begin now u2014 and that task must engage each of you, the class of 2018 of Ave Maria School of Law.

You will engage that task in different ways. Some of you will do it through honorable legal practice. Some of you will do it in academic life. Some of you will do it through public service, in elective or appointive office. Perhaps some of you will do it as judges. But whatever your station in legal life, you will help give America a new birth of freedom rightly understood if you remember the noble idea of law that animated Saint Thomas Aquinas, Pope Leo XIII, and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.; if, as citizens and legislators, you help reconnect our laws to the moral law, and if, in all walks of legal life, you think of your legal work as a vocation, not simply a career.

The men and women who bend the curve of history in a more humane direction live vocationally. Thatu2019s true of the great figures Iu2019ve mentioned here. These towering human personalities understood, each in his own way, that every human being has a God-given vocation: a unique place, and a singular responsibility, in the divine plan of history. Discerning that vocation can take time and may involve false starts. Living that vocation can be costly. But living vocationally u2014 constantly asking yourself, u201cAm I doing what I ought to be doing now?u201d u2014 is the most exhilarating way to spend out oneu2019s life. Itu2019s also the most spiritually enriching. Living vocationally may, on occasion, cost you a sleepless night. But living vocationally guarantees that you will never have a boring day.

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In the Gospels of Matthew and Luke, Jesus rebukes Satan with the reminder that u201cman does not live by bread aloneu201d (Matthew 4:4, Luke 4:4). Nor is a noble and spiritually rich life lived by fame alone, or wealth alone, or power alone, or pleasure alone u2014 and certainly not by billable hours alone. Each of you graduates has before you not just a legal career but a legal vocation. If, in your practice of law, you help remind the American legal profession that black-letter law and the moral law must be in active, ongoing conversation with each other, so that the laws that govern us reflect the moral truths written into the human heart and into the human condition, you will be living vocationally. You will be helping rebuild the foundations of American democracy. And you will be vindicating the kind of legal education you received at Ave Maria School of Law.

Congratulations on your graduation. Best wishes for your work. And Godspeed on your journey.

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Itu2019s not just about billable hours.

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Some of the political issues that become most contentious are also some of the most intimately painful and personal. Anything related to sex and gender certainly falls into that category. Ryan T. Anderson u2014 William E. Simon senior research fellow at the Heritage Foundation u2014 has written a new book, When Harry Became Sally: Responding to the Transgender Moment, that addresses many of these important issues with compassion.

u201cChildren are especially vulnerable, so we must do everything possible to protect them and provide an environment that fosters healthy development,u201d he implores in the book. He is as reasonable as it gets, writing:

We need to respect the dignity of people who identify as transgender, but without encouraging children to undergo experimental transition treatments, and without trampling on the needs and interests of others. And we need to acknowledge that taking our sexual embodiment seriously in public policy is not discriminatory.

In the book, he also emphasizes:

Transgender ideology may appear to be establishing a firm place in our culture, yet there are signs of defensiveness among its advocates, as if they realize that their claims are contrary to basic, self-evident truths. The transgender moment may turn out to be fleeting, but that doesnu2019t mean we should expect it to fade away on its own. We need to insist on telling the truth, and on preventing lives from being irreparably damaged.

Here, he talks a bit more about the book and the importance of this moment of uncertainty about gender and sexuality.

Kathryn Jean Lopez: Why do you say in the subtitle to your book that this is but u201ca momentu201d?

Ryan T. Anderson: Because the claims being made by activists are contrary to basic, self-evident truths. And a culture can only sustain lies about human nature for so long. Eventually, the human costs of getting human nature wrong rack up u2014 and people notice. But, while the transgender moment may turn out to be fleeting, that doesnu2019t mean we should expect it to fade away on its own. We need to insist on telling the truth, and on preventing lives from being irreparably damaged. How long this moment lasts will be partly determined by what people like you and I say and do u2014 and thatu2019s why I wrote the book, to equip people for this moment.

Lopez: Why is the work of Paul McHugh important, and why and how can it become more mainstream?

Anderson: In the late 1970s, Dr. Paul McHugh thought he had convinced the vast majority of medical professionals not to go along with bold claims about sex and gender that were being advanced by some of his colleagues. McHugh received a world-class education at Harvard College and Harvard Medical School. As chair of psychiatry at Johns Hopkins Medical School and psychiatrist-in-chief at Johns Hopkins Hospital, he put a stop to sex-reassignment surgery at that facility in 1979.

As a young professor of psychiatry at Hopkins, McHugh tried to dissuade his colleagues from rushing into the fad of transgender-affirming treatment and u201csex reassignment.u201d Decades later he recounted his experience:

When the practice of sex-change surgery first emerged back in the early 1970s, I would often remind its advocating psychiatrists that with other patients, alcoholics in particular, they would quote the Serenity Prayer, u201cGod, give me the serenity to accept the things I cannot change, the courage to change the things I can, and the wisdom to know the difference.u201d Where did they get the idea that our sexual identity (u201cgenderu201d was the term they preferred) as men or women was in the category of things that could be changed?

Hormones and surgery cannot actually transform a man into a woman or a woman into a man, McHugh argued. His colleagues responded by introducing him to patients they claimed had successfully transitioned. They thought that if he met enough sexually reassigned people, he would come to see the benefit. But as McHugh recalls, u201cnone of these encounters were persuasive.u201d

McHugh encouraged Jon Meyer, a psychiatrist and psychoanalyst at Hopkins, to follow up with adults who had undergone sex-change operations at the hospital and determine whether the surgery was beneficial in the long term. Meyer found that only a few of the patients he tracked down some years after their surgery actually regretted it, yet most did not appear to have benefited psychologically.

McHugh explains: u201cThey had much the same problems with relationships, work, and emotions as before. The hope that they would emerge now from their emotional difficulties to flourish psychologically had not been fulfilled.u201d While the surgery may have provided some subjective satisfaction, it brought little real improvement in well-being. After studying the evidence, McHugh decided that sex-change surgery was bad medicine and was u201cfundamentally cooperating with a mental illness.u201d Psychiatrists, he thought, could better help patients with gender dysphoria by u201ctrying to fix their minds and not their genitalia.u201d

Similar studies were conducted in Toronto and arrived at similar conclusions. With a better understanding of what was really being done through sex-change operations, McHugh and his colleagues stopped prescribing those procedures for adults at Hopkins. Some of the hospitalu2019s plastic surgeons, he added, were relieved at no longer being u201ccommandeered to carry out the procedures.u201d Many other medical centers across the country followed the elite Johns Hopkinsu2019s lead. But recent years have brought a resurgence of these procedures u2014 not in light of new scientific evidence, mind you, but under the pressure of ideology.

Lopez: You write about some radical arguments in favor of obliterating sex distinctions. Some of these are arguments that Kate Ou2019Beirne was writing about in her book about feminism, Women Who Make the World Worse. Others of these arguments are ideas that Phyllis Schlafly was pushing back against in her day. Are these the same old arguments on steroids? And how can they be opposed while still having compassion for people who advance them? And without being patronizing or dismissive of people who believe them to be true?

Anderson: To a certain extent, this transgender perspective on sex and gender has deep roots. Chapter 7 of the book traces our cultural gender confusion to its roots in gender theory and in certain strains of feminist thinking about our embodiment. First-wave feminism was a campaign to liberate women from an overly restrictive concept of gender, so they could be free to fulfill their nature, but it gave way to a movement seeking to make women identical to men. From the error of inflexible stereotypes, our culture swung to the opposite error of denying any important differences between male and female. The result is a culture of androgyny and confusion. An agenda of nullifying the distinction between men and women might seem opposed to the insistence on the absolute reality of transgender identity u2014 i.e., an inner sense of being truly male or female u2014 yet both start by severing gender from biological sex.

Between stereotypes on the one hand and androgyny on the other, the virtuous mean is a view of gender that reveals meaningful sex differences and communicates the difference they make; a view that takes sex differences seriously while upholding the fundamental equality of the sexes as complements to one another. It acknowledges what sex differences mean for marriage and family, for friendship and education. Our sexual embodiment is precisely what makes marriage possible, and a host of social practices u2014including how we nurture boys and girls u2014 are shaped with the good of marriage in view.

On average, boys and girls, men and women have different needs and inclinations, so our law and culture should not take the male way of being human as the norm. This means that women should not be forced to live, work, and compete as if they were men u2014 which is what some people would prefer, with proposals to ban being a stay-at-home mom, for example. Society should accept that men and women may, on the whole, have different preferences and freely make different choices.

Lopez: You write in the book, u201cTransgender ideology may appear to be establishing a firm place in our culture, yet there are signs of defensiveness among its advocates, as if they realize that their claims are contrary to basic, self-evident truths.u201d When you wrote those words, did it worry you that it might harken back to same-sex marriage opponents who believed that arguments for traditional marriage would inevitably win the day? It turns out, though, that legal acceptance of same-sex marriage may have been somewhat inevitable, given the cultural forces arguing in favor of it?

Anderson: Two friends of mine on the political left have given me cause to believe that transgender activists may have overplayed their hand and provoked a pushback. One of these friends is a twenty-something man who, with some bemusement, pointed me to the viral video du jour in which someone who describes herself as an u201cintersectional feminist,u201d a u201cqueer girl,u201d etc., declared that having u201cgenital preferencesu201d is transphobic, and that u201cpreferences for women with vaginas over women with penises might be partially informed by the influence of a cis-sexist society.u201d And no, this was not satire.

The video lecture went on: u201cIf youu2019re a woman who only likes women, go ahead, identify as a lesbian! But some women have penises. And if the fact that some lesbians might be attracted to those women offends you, itu2019s because you donu2019t think trans women are real women.u201d My friend objected to being judged transphobic and cis-sexist merely on the grounds that he dates biological women only. And when lesbians are accused of bigotry because they prefer women who donu2019t have male equipment, you have to wonder how long the u201cLu201d and the u201cTu201d can be held together in LGBT advocacy.

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More significant doubts were expressed by a liberal friend who is the father of several children. He told me that he doesnu2019t care all that much about gay marriage; it doesnu2019t really affect him. (I think heu2019s wrong about that.) But he cares very much about what affects his kids. He doesnu2019t want his daughter coming home from school to say that a boy who thinks heu2019s a girl is sharing a locker room with her. He doesnu2019t want his son to announce that heu2019s u201cgender-fluid.u201d Average parents of various political stripes are not on board with u201cgender identityu201du2013access policies or school lessons about gender ideology.

u2014 Kathryn Jean Lopez is a senior fellow at the National Review Institute and an editor-at-large of National Review.

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Ryan Anderson on how to tell the truth about gender and sexuality in a loving way.

n","protected":false},"author":35,"featured_media":594380,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"authors":[{"ID":"210443","display_name":"NR Interview","first_name":"NR","last_name":"Interview","user_nicename":"nr-interview","href":"https://www.nationalreview.com/author/nr-interview/","twitter":"","hedcut":false,"avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/223b4221b54d689c48a9f0fcf0ef2804?s=64&d=blank&r=g"}],"category":false,"corner_response":null,"is_corner_post":false,"is_magazine_article":false,"more-stories":null,"section":false,"subtitle":"Ryan Anderson on how to tell the truth about gender & sexuality in a loving way.","table-of-contents":null},"categories":[1290,1389],"tags":[4083,4425],"section":[615],"share_buttons":{"facebook":{"title":"Share on Facebook","href":"https://www.facebook.com/sharer/sharer.php?u=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.nationalreview.com%2F2018%2F05%2Ftransgender-cultural-moment-ryan-anderson-when-harry-became-sally%2F"},"twitter":{"title":"Share on Twitter","href":"https://twitter.com/intent/tweet?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.nationalreview.com%2F2018%2F05%2Ftransgender-cultural-moment-ryan-anderson-when-harry-became-sally%2F&text=What to Do in Our Current u2018Transgender Momentu2019"},"printer":{"title":"Print this article","href":""},"email":{"title":"Email this article","href":"mailto:?body=What to Do in Our Current u2018Transgender Momentu2019 https://www.nationalreview.com/2018/05/transgender-cultural-moment-ryan-anderson-when-harry-became-sally/"}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https://www.nationalreview.com/wp-json/wp/v2/posts/594174"}],"collection":[{"href":"https://www.nationalreview.com/wp-json/wp/v2/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https://www.nationalreview.com/wp-json/wp/v2/types/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https://www.nationalreview.com/wp-json/wp/v2/users/35"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https://www.nationalreview.com/wp-json/wp/v2/comments?post=594174"}],"version-history":[{"href":"https://www.nationalreview.com/wp-json/wp/v2/posts/594174/revisions"}],"next":[{"ID":594333,"href":"https://www.nationalreview.com/wp-json/wp/v2/posts/594333"}],"previous":[{"ID":594350,"href":"https://www.nationalreview.com/wp-json/wp/v2/posts/594350"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https://www.nationalreview.com/wp-json/wp/v2/media/594380"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https://www.nationalreview.com/wp-json/wp/v2/media?parent=594174"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https://www.nationalreview.com/wp-json/wp/v2/categories?post=594174"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https://www.nationalreview.com/wp-json/wp/v2/tags?post=594174"},{"taxonomy":"section","embeddable":true,"href":"https://www.nationalreview.com/wp-json/wp/v2/section?post=594174"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https://api.w.org/{rel}","templated":true}]}},{"id":594333,"date":"2018-05-12T04:30:48","date_gmt":"2018-05-12T08:30:48","guid":{"rendered":"https://www.nationalreview.com/?p=594333"},"modified":"2018-05-12T07:58:48","modified_gmt":"2018-05-12T11:58:48","slug":"trump-populist-movement-could-remake-american-politics","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https://www.nationalreview.com/2018/05/trump-populist-movement-could-remake-american-politics/","title":{"rendered":"The Voters Propelling Trumpu2019s Populist Movement"},"content":{"rendered":"

Populism is always a surprise to those in power. It erupts from time to time, not as regularly as clockwork, but as inevitably as a volcano. Yet even those who live in the shadow of the caldera, those who should be most aware of what looms nearby, are taken unawares. Thatu2019s not poor planning, nor is it ignorance of history. It is a necessary component of the blast: Populism comes from forgotten people. If those in power paid them any mind, the pressure would never build up and the explosion would never come.

In The Great Revolt: Inside the Populist Coalition Reshaping American Politics, Salina Zito and Brad Todd explore the politics of the latest populist explosion and talk to the people who brought it forth in small cities and towns from Scranton to Sioux Falls. Many of those interviewed were lifelong Democrats until 2016, and their stories should shake the establishment Democrats to the core. Though party insiders may not have seen Donald Trump coming, there is still time to correct their error. But just as it is the nature of populism to surprise, it is the nature of an establishment to stay established. The Democratic establishment, built as it is on the shifting sands of intersectionality and the latest trends in activism, will have a hard time adapting to the challenge of Trumpian populism.

*u00a0u00a0u00a0 *u00a0u00a0u00a0 *

Articles and books about political trends often rely on anecdote, but Zito and Todd also base their analysis on a survey of Trump voters in the states whose swing to the GOP in 2016 broke the Democratsu2019 fabled u201cblue wallu201d and gave Trump his victory: Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa. They distilled the results into six archetypes of Midwestern Trump voters, and each section of the book comprises interviews with people fitting each archetype.

Insofar as Trump came out ahead, it is particularly interesting how many people, after reluctantly voting for him, now back him more enthusiastically than ever.

The results are illuminating. Some of the interviewees were Republicans already, so their votes for Trump were not completely surprising. They do, however, fly in the face of the idea, pushed by the Clinton campaign, that Trump alienated too many moderate, suburban Republicans to win. It was clear then that this was no mere talking point: Clinton targeted suburban Republicans, especially women, pleading with them to abandon the candidate who had said and done so many grotesque things over the years.

They failed to consider how grotesque Clinton herself appeared to these same Republican women. The authors quote pollster Wes Anderson to establish a point that sums up these voters and their decision process: u201cThese women may not have decided to vote for Trump until late in the race, but most had decided much earlier that they were definitely not voting for Clinton.u201d For many, Clintonu2019s stances on issues like abortion and gun rights ruled her out from the beginning. Many others were repelled by her inauthenticity and dishonesty.

This mostly female cohort is an interesting group, and it shows the power of the two-party system in America. Faced with two odious candidates, most people picked the less obnoxious of the pair. Despite the considerable aversion to both Clinton and Trump, more than 94 percent of voters chose one of the two. Insofar as Trump came out ahead, it is particularly interesting how many people, after reluctantly voting for him, now back him more enthusiastically than ever. Picking a side changes how we think about things, and it could be that the shrieking #Resistance is making things worse on itself by forcing once-persuadable voters to choose between the candidate they have already voted for and the parade of bitter-enders constantly criticizing him on television.

*u00a0u00a0u00a0 *u00a0u00a0u00a0 *

Another theme running through the booku2019s interviews is how so many voters abandoned the Democratic party, or, as they would likely describe it, how the party abandoned them. Democrats earned their reputation as the workingmanu2019s friend in the New Deal, and exploited it to great political effect for decades thereafter. In a country where most voters are people who work for a living u2014 or retirees who used to do so u2014 being seen as pro-worker is a definite electoral advantage.

The problem with that reputation is that to keep it, the party must continue, at least some of the time, to act in the interests of workers. Or, more specifically, it must promote policies that workers themselves see as in their interests; telling people what their interests really are does not do the job and may actually alienate those voters the party claims to cherish. Ignore this requirement long enough, and eventually even voters who hung pictures of John F. Kennedy on their living-room walls will abandon their political faith.

One man Zito talked to in Wilkes-Barre, Pa., exemplifies this trend. A union employee and Clinton delegate at the 1992 Democratic National Convention, he explained, u201cI wasnu2019t just a guy who voted straight Democrat up and down the ballot, it was religion to me, it was my identity, and it was also an essential part of my job.u201d It is hard to imagine anything that could make such a man pull the lever for a billionaire Republican from New York City, let alone do so enthusiastically. Yet this book is full of tales like his.

Part of the shift has been subtle. Democrats once identified with workers qua workers, in contrast to the bosses and owners for whom they labored. That gradually shifted to u201cthe working class,u201d and then to u201cworking families.u201d By 2016, the Clinton camp spoke of u201ceveryday Americans,u201d a term completely removed from the idea of labor and so vague and anodyne as to be completely meaningless. Democrats used to have what pollster Anderson called u201cthe echo of labor.u201d Now that echo resounded in a Trump campaign that spoke of work itself and the importance of good jobs, railing against outsourcing and free trade with a striking intensity of purpose.

It is difficult to describe Trump as a workingman, but he sounds like a workingman. Thatu2019s a distinction that led to derision from politicos, but for people less deeply connected to the day-to-day goings-on in Washington, it was oddly refreshing. The man had inherited millions and was worth billions, but somehow he sounded like he understood the plight of people whose pleas were not heard in Chappaqua. Meanwhile, the Democrats increasingly became associated with the non-working class, identifying more with the lifelong welfare recipient than with the worker whose taxes pay for that government program. As another lifelong Democrat told Zito, u201cI used to think that the Republican party stood for country-club folks in nice suburban homes who talked about bottom lines and stock prices. Not anymore; they are for the blue-collar worker, they are for me, and the irony is not lost on me.u201d

*u00a0u00a0u00a0 *u00a0u00a0u00a0 *

One question the book necessarily leaves unanswered is how deep the shift has been. Was 2016 a one-off reaction against Clintonu2019s shortcomings, or the first blast of a sustained backlash against neoliberalism? Zito and Toddu2019s title echoes that of another famous work by John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt: A History of the Farmers’ Alliance and the People’s Party, and there are similarities between Hicksu2019s 1890s populists and Trumpu2019s movement. Both were rural, although the older movement was necessarily more so, given the far greater number of farmers in late 19th-century America. Both were also reactions to the concentration of wealth and power, the perceived duopoly of the major parties, and the partiesu2019 collective inattention to the concerns of people outside the major coastal cities.

Populists then and now fixated on Big versus Small, a third theme that runs through Zito and Toddu2019s book. Whether big banks, big business, big government, or big labor, any organization that swells to a massive size can feel threatening to an individual. That is especially true for people far removed u2014 geographically and figuratively u2014 from the centers of power. This theme of being crushed by bigness resounded among many of the Trump voters interviewed in the book.

u201cBig banks, big media, big corporations, I want nothing to do with them,u201d one man said. Another linked the what Justice Louis Brandeis called the u201ccurse of bignessu201d to a culture of dependency: u201cWe are Americans, that means something, that means figuring it out without the government giving us free stuff, without the big banks and big companies making us need them so much, and not feeling as though we are entitled to something once we get it.u201d

All of this is clearly heartfelt and certainly directed against a real problem in our modern, industrialized nation. The confusing part for those who do not buy it is that it makes Trump the representative of the little guy. That is harder to swallow than William Jennings Bryanu2019s leadership of the 1890s populists. It clearly wrong-footed the Clinton camp, as evidenced by the supreme effort taken to remind the voters just how often Trump had shortchanged, bamboozled, and defrauded various little guys in his long business career.

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None of that mattered. With Clinton as the obvious representative of the Leftu2019s establishment, Jeb Bush, Marco Rubio, and the rest as representatives of the Rightu2019s establishment, and Trump as the eager antagonist of both, the answer was clear to many forgotten men and women: This guy, whatever his past, is in my corner. That is the larger message that comes through time and again in this book. In voting for Trump, as one man put it, u201cwe voted for ourselves.u201d

Some readers will never be able to wrap their brains around the Trumpist phenomenon, but, again, populism is often incomprehensible and unpredictable. Whether Trumpism becomes a real strain of conservatism, or whether the populist wave transforms the Republican party the way it transformed the Democrats a century ago, only time can tell. But understanding the people who propelled Trump to the most powerful office on Earth is a good start, and The Great Revolt can certainly help with that.

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In The Great Revolt, Salena Zito and Brad Todd explore the forces that energized the presidentu2019s campaign u2013 and could remake American politics.

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